

The revolution of 1904
Political gesture, epic feeling
The Uruguay entering the twentieth century
In the historical equation of our country have used three terms-prairie, border and port, which, corresponding to geographical areas, meant three modes of economic and social views. But, at the dawn of the last century, the field finally lost his own social political weight against the growing influence of the port city. In turn, the border, both in the Argentine side as in Brazil, was increasing its role as the state boundary line, while it was losing its status as the country and liaison link with the neighboring areas of the vast prairie sud Atlantic and La Plata.
- In addition, each step that has been called “path of progress’ was approaching the country increasingly dependent on imperial hubs.
The reduction of the meadow to the status of mere economic space within the agricultural export market in the port city, and its subordination to political patterns, economic and cultural driven by urbanization did not occur suddenly, and the “path of progress’ is not imposed uneventful, tension and a dramatic social cost.
The prospect of the “keeper”
For the rural upper class, that they considered the process that allowed him to grab the land, and then consolidate the legal domain over it, the civil war was synonymous with calamity: consumption of cattle, horse ownership, destruction of fences and shortages arms, and an obstacle to the changes that helped to develop their farms.
Similar proposed was made by those linked to high commerce, fearful of the consequences of the costs that would bring the revolution to the state.
Both wanted order, whereas an excess intolerable that the dispute over individual liberties, to vote, press, and administrative honesty or partnership could lead to armed confrontation.
In this regard, Carlos Real de Azua concludes that by 1870 in Uruguay was a society with a stable ruling class regularly and being in the top of a mobile but perceptible stratification, accepting the unequal distribution of political, economic and social development. Politicians preferred to leave “work in peace and settle their disputes by agreement or vote, without revolutions.
A Colorado rancher built in the exponent of the conservative position stated: “For my part I prefer anything rather than a revolution, if to me, red as I am, I should say: we need to hand over power to the National Party to avoid a new civil war and you can do that, say, because the National Party take power a and ten times and there is no war. ”
The vision of the dispossessed.
The rural Uruguay occupational offered no alternative to the mass displaced by the fence. The close-up, natural stage in the development of rural capitalism, brought about the evacuation of much of the peasant labor. Occurred between 1875 and 1890, had an unintended consequence: it created a mass ready to theft of cattle, first, since the civil war later.
Frederick E. Balparda describes the consequences of the enclosure of the fields: “Every room that represents about 10, 15 or 20 individuals or families who are in misery, no other horizon than an uncertain life, degraded by the servility of that has to beg to live and love in his heart to encourage hatred towards those fences, because of their terrible state, would like to see destroyed and hope only encourage the smiling prospect of a revolution that allowed the destruction of all of them.
The political framework
The continuity of the Colorado Party in the government of the Republic allowed the formation and consolidation of a highly stable cast professional politician ‘ruling political elite that is renewed very little. ”
Continuity in the offices-that is, security-career, reinforced by the expectation of certain retirement or pension that served as support in old age, enjoy autonomy allowed the political elite, both on the majority poor rich minority.
April 1903. Return Nico Perez.
Those who served the government, lived government.
The partnership and politics “agreements” allowed some whites from entering the political citadel red to share with them, as “opposition to the government,” the head of the State. But very few politicians were white professionals, a small minority in the overall political cast overwhelmingly red-and also in their own ranks.
After 1865, the men of the National Party were virtually excluded from elected office and public employment, civil and military, who could only access the Reds.
The National Party was related to all social classes and their leaders. Marginalized professional political activity, with few exceptions, must earn their living in direct economic activity. In contrast, the Colorado Party had made from both the conservative and classes of the poor majority, through the living and the government: it “lay at the core of professional politicians.”
Voters and candidates
The “Colorados exclusive ‘first, the” influence guideline “after, together with the small size of the electorate, the lack of confidence in the vote, the large number of foreigners and management of general budget expenditures, were pillars to allow to move mono party in power, allowing the formation of a core of professional politicians.
The Constitution of 1830, ‘theoretical framework and arbitrary ”
Zum Felde stated in the historical process of Uruguay, “Revolutions are enacted, by implication, the Constitution” (p. 125).
He adds: “The 1830 Constitution has a vital importance, its political mistakes govern many phenomena in the history of the Republic would have been much different had it not been that factor. It is not only a political factor but also a social factor. ”
«(…) The 1830 Constitution imposed on the country a theoretical legal framework and arbitrary, as if it were an association of men who had just started, no history, no customs, no trends, nothing exists. “(Id., p. 118)
Bauza, in Constitutional Studies, argues that the constitution of 1830 theoretical and abstract is not for the rural masses but for a minority of urban people.
A La cart where Saravia was transported to Brazilian territory.
Alberdi, meanwhile, in their bases, said of the first Constitution was “difficult and embarrassing to buy and prodigal citizens to dispose of.”
Zum Felde comes armed uprisings explain this: “The Revolutions in Uruguay are for nearly a century the only way the opposition parties were to gain power. The vote was a legal farce, because the Constitution delivery into the hands of the executive branch powers and the elements so that he could impose their candidates, not only by the armed outrage, but by coercion, fraud, venality. ”
An environment conducive to war
Changes in rural areas in the late nineteenth century found that the need for labor was much lower than the wages of the peons a lowering and a large staff was fired. In this situation adds that neither agriculture nor industry had developed to provide work for displaced persons or persons employed at higher wages.
In rural areas, the epicenter of pre-revolutionary events, most people had no home and led a nomadic life, the revolution was seen as “armed strike in protest of the unfortunate politics that exploits to its advantage. Better than winning eight pesos per month, was launched on an adventure that lasted a few months and earn more and eat better. ”
And so the big ranchers, who need peace, had the war. Economy and society, in constant interaction, produced a world of adjustment.
The ‘policy arrangements’ and the representation of minorities
Pacts of 1872 and 1897 enabled the nationalists agree to departmental political leadership, ensuring some representation in the legislative chambers.
The formula of “sharing” meant an important first step in solving the problem of minority representation. The partnership, of territory, which almost split the country in two, was determined by the inability of either party to defeat the enemy definitively. I was also assured by the ability to retain the insurrectionary opposition party.
However, this principle of sharing power was not enough to satisfy the National Party, which was seen half the country and increasingly bear less of gross impurities of voting and elections typed by the government. His constant claims were purified civic records, guarantees suffrage, fair elections, proportional representation.
The National Party was confident of achieving the government peacefully if these conditions were met. But, to impose on a governing party unwilling to jeopardize its dominance of the state, chose to resort to arms.
The choice of J. Batlle y Ordóñez
Since February 1901, preaching from his diary Batlle Day is well defined: “The policy of contemplation with the White Party is over. The acts of deference to the party can not be repeated when it is received no more than unjustified aggression. The consequence of the triumph of this principle is the reconquest of the departments, the cessation of the abnormal state, which from day to day, despite the tolerance and complacency of the Colorado Party, has been getting worse and divide the Republic into two different fractions, almost two different countries, one white and one red. ”
Eduardo Acevedo Díaz had voted to lift the presidency of J. Batlle y Ordóñez. So, just come to the presidency, Batlle y Ordóñez parliamentary group wanted to reward the Acevedo Diaz with two of the six Headquarters that the Covenant of the Cross (September 18, 1897) managed for the National Party.
“This man is against me and very soon will be against our party.” Prophetic words Saravia, Acevedo Diaz talking about the political head of Cerro Largo. Forecast successful. Acevedo met his match and gave him their vote and their friends, the power Batlle, ignoring the leader. And the National Party expelled the group of Acevedo Díaz their party ranks because he felt it violated the Covenant by decreasing their area and power politics. Thus, the March 16, 1903, Aparicio Saravia took up arms. The National Party was unwilling to continue to accept their continued marginalization of the government. However, newly installed, the government did not want a confrontation. Mediators and A. Ramirez J.R Lamas sealed on March 22, 1903 agreement Nico Perez.
According to this, the headquarters of five departments would be provided by the Executive Board in consultation with the National Party. The San Jose will be provided with a target, but without intervention of the party. The agreement would apply only during the presidency of José Batlle y Ordóñez.
Also seems to have been a verbal agreement whereby the government promised not to send military forces to the regional departments.
Whites considered the settlement of 1903 as an extension of 1897 in its entirety, but this time equipped with a fixed term, 1907. But the Pact Nico Perez apparently only guaranteed a stable peace. In fact, enabled a truce during which both sides were armed and prepared for a showdown inevitable.
Construction of the floating bridge over the Black River at Paso Mazangano. The Carmelo Cabrera led the surveyor and carried out in a week.
The government prepares for war
During the year 1903 Batlle weapon, the army reorganization law, acquires substantial war material strengthens the defensive power of the government was weakened against the power of whites and therefore at their mercy.
The government prepared an army of 30,000 men with modern weapons that had been buying consistently. To deprive of financial resources to the possible lifting of the party opponent since May bank branches in the Republic, in the white department, had to send their funds to Montevideo.
But the government had not only money for the purchase of new military equipment, but also other resources such as the railroad and the telegraph.
To offset these benefits, the rise white rails and telegraph lines cut: not by enemies of “progress”, but to weaken the government’s technical supremacy.
The revolutionary army
The revolutionaries gathered 15,000 men, poorly armed, with shipments reaching them from the border provinces of Argentina and Brazil.
They were men who came to the party called on the currency, driven by the thrill of “serve.” Mass was ready to enroll in any episode that interrupted their misery. Political activity offered within the parties. To these came through the emotional element of a caudillo membership and adherence to a currency, which drew crowds.
“Only a people Artigas walked with their backs like you, general,” he said Carlos Aparicio Roxio to the May 16, 1904.
The pobrerío agreed to the revolution which made possible the hated fences were cut and burn their posts and, finally, the humblest could their fill of meat. Misery pobrerío predisposed to violence, and the currency gave it the push to get in the range of political revolution and had a sentimental justification, almost ethical.
Aparicio Saravia went on to say:
“We, with walking, we win.”
And the surprised German diplomatic representative in Montevideo reported to his superiors: “With regard to the civil war in Uruguay is heard saying, is ‘a matter of horses,’” which underscored the importance of these animals for the revolutionary movement.
“The armed uprising, civic coat of despair”
Aparicio Saravia and Colonel Abel Sierra, across the floating bridge. Photo taken on July 12, 1904 after the victory of Tupambaé.
Dr. Luis A. Herrera re flexed and explaining the revolution of 1904 in this way, in a note dated in Buenos Aires on May 4, 1904 (see From Washington, pp. 453 ss):
“Any spark could cause a fire, because Mr. Batlle y Ordóñez was ready for war, and as he repeated his body daily in the press, the period of the weaknesses with ‘barbarians’ not be reopened.”
“The notorious fact, obvious, indisputable, is that for a whopping forty years, the Colorado party holds the reins of power in the hands. There, in the republican social monstrosity, I put the true source of all our agitations, looking at things in a spirit of calm and above currencies. ”
“It is offensive to the enlightened people stopping to test how long stay in command reporting a serious internal imbalance.”
“[National Party] has always preferred the use of law and reconciliation, but when the patriotic efforts have failed, the uprising has been the shield of civic despair.”
“When you want to brawl, it is easy to produce it, and mounted the mine, the issue of the regiments led to the catastrophe.”
The items of the conflagration were ready, and a minor issue and sparked absurd: a border incident with Brazilian troops and police was the political head of Rivera, Carmelo Cabrera (white) request help from the central government.
He sent two regiments to the national department, which was interpreted by the National Party as interference in violation of the Covenant of Nico Perez.
A general profile of
Aparicio Saravia was a great guerrilla leader. Lasted for eight months the duration of the war. On one occasion after another, topped with cunning government armies, more powerful than yours.
Calvez general portrays it this way: “The march is multiplied: These people do not shred their farms; encourages those who linger, watching the horses and their caregivers, indicating the path to be followed by the wagons and see how they are conducted, particularly in the footsteps of the rivers runs the crossing rivers and streams and see if they are well and the sick and wounded. In the camps, assisting with cleaning of the guns and bullets count, gives notes and letters and worries about the food and clothing for the troops. Not without conditions organizer and is also chief and leader of men, the father of her boys, and likes to call the soldiers. There is little military spirit, or strong sense of discipline and hierarchy … is actually a montonero, but a great montonero.
Policy during the war
Even if the conservatives asked for peace, Batlle held with the energy. The position and the measures adopted tended to radicalize “the positions and extend the war. He was determined to defeat the insurgency militarily to prevent the continuation of the duality of power between Montevideo and Cordoba.
Batlle said: “The legitimate government should not seek partnership with revolutionary politics, as the government dealt with the usurpers of another time” (…) “peace pacts broken by this war must be replaced by other agreements, other arrangements in which they are parties celebrants, not the government and the revolutionaries, but political parties together. “Accordingly, he took severe measures.
Confiscation of property of the nationalists. After the battle of Fray Marcos was agreed in a secret session of the House, the prohibition law, under which it authorized the Executive to freeze the assets of the supporters of the revolution. Batlle put hundreds of names on the ban list to prevent funds to reach you Saravia.
Criticizes the propaganda for peace. At the beginning of the war, Batlle established a strict censorship on newspapers, for that reason the newspaper ceased publication of the Board and, even, El Nacional, Acevedo Diaz.
The Colorado Party lawmakers in the vast majority were willing to vote for a negotiated peace. Batlle was attacked at its weakest legal: censorship propaganda in favor of peace.
Management to the United States. “The Minister of Uruguay in North America [Acevedo Diaz] was asked [02/08/1904] made known to the government of that country, we would be pleased that the presence of American ships and the influence they were inclined to engage in Silver , for countries to observe the proper neutrality “(…)” The U.S. presence could make the Argentina became less willing to allow Saravia reach new arms shipments. ” “On 19 August, the U.S. Consulate in Montevideo announced the imminent arrival of a naval squadron.”
The main battles
The military actions extending over the first ten months of 1904, and were as follows.
Mansavillagra (January 14) was the first partial government victory. Fray Marcos (30 January) was a triumph that put white Montevideo available to the rebel side, but as his intention was not to take the capital, Saravia retired to travel the campaign. Paso Park (March 2), another partial government victory. Tupambaé (June 20), the largest and bloodiest battle of the war, where they faced 15 000 nationalists (half unarmed) and 5,000 governmental armed with three guns and four machine guns. From both sides there were 300 casualties and over 1,000 were wounded.
Masoller occurred on September 1, 1904. It was the epilogue of a victorious revolution defeated ended, and has a sad and deep meaning of sacrifice and perpetual pain.
On the eve of Masoller, Aparicio had said: “We have a very good peace: with it we leave the orange in half. If we fight and win the war, our position will be the same because we are not absolutists, I think we should get even better conditions of peace, later. We even have the past by Brazil, to go out without a fight …». Rivera
All historians agree that Masoller was, at the same time, a great battle won by Aparicio Saravia.
According to Jose Monegal, “had not been injured there, perhaps, have done so much longed for peace, peace that had been offered two days before and that he, putting a space in its resolution, but left to when the army was settled on terms that would allow an advantageous peace sign, or give a decisive battle. “He continues:” It’s more than proven that the general Vazquez [governmental Army] initiated the withdrawal. ”
A bullet struck Aparicio Saravia
Permanently, concern was: “What will become of my country! What will become of my colleagues who have followed me! ”
In the days following the battle, seized by an intense fever hospital, she was clearly heard shouting wildly, the same cries of command, repeated endlessly, leading his squad invincible, “A load, boys! For the Motherland! ”
The sad news
The envoy arrived at the ranch. Still celebrating the peasants, with accordions and guitars adorned with white and blue ribbons. An elderly woman received the message and made his infamous proclamation:
“To stop the ball! Naiden That laugh! Let those who have tears to cry, because the country is crying, too! Pa Silence forever! He died the General! ”
He died on 10 September 1904 in Brazilian territory …
The disappearance of shredding the nationalist army chief and ended the revolution. In those anxious moments, a chief came to pronounce these terrible words: “This is an army Sarava. Fallen Saravia is impossible to maintain cohesiveness. ”
The indecision and indiscipline in the ranks rife white. Fallen leader, and panic and consternation produced in mass warfare. Not only has lost a battle, all is lost. Amid an awful silence the mouths do not open but for desperate imprecations, all eyes were clouded with tears.
Many could not believe that the general was no longer, and even 20 years later, there were whites who said of him as was said of Facundo: “No, he is not dead, come back.”
Peace and consequences of the revolution
After Masoller, the White Army submits. The National Party waives its unconstitutional positions. The government regained its full authority and partnership policy was abolished.
On 24 September 1904 peace was signed Aceguá, which ended the civil war, and was finally settled urban model in Uruguay.
The physical destruction caused by the revolution was very important, livestock and fences, also saw the dispersal of the workforce, a paralysis of the refining of the livestock, low price of hides and property, arrest of tasks first refrigerator and cancellation of bank credit for the field. But there were also institutional implications.
The consolidation of the unity of the state. Colorado’s win meant the end of the partnership policy in government departments, the consolidation of central power and political and administrative unification of the country. He finished the dichotomy Montevideo “The Cordoba. The consolidation of state power would become final and usufructuary the Colorado Party, thanks to his victory over the whites.
An exclusive party government.
The winner of the civil war and President, J. Batlle y Ordóñez, naturally picked up the leadership of his party.
According to their ideas, sharing with the National Party was left completely aside, “said to be erroneous theory of politics of partnership, according to which ministries should be formed, in part, with men of opinions and trends opposite to the executive branch, “he said.
The electoral reform. With the new electoral regulations of 1904, was increased from 69 to 75 the number of deputies and seven departments have a number divisible by 3 seats, allowing access by nationalists as a minority if they managed a third of the vote, fourth place, as required earlier.
In the elections of 1905, in Montevideo was found that the country’s political life was still in a few hands: there was a red MP 593 votes each, and a nationalist every 779. It fulfilled the purpose of reform, which was to increase the representation of the majority party and reduce the minority.
Praise the vote on the use of weapons
Successive electoral laws, immediate (1905.1907, 1910), and mediate the revolution that gradually were adopted, were legally enshrining proportional representation, up to the institutionalization of the agreement.
This will reach its peak in the 1952 Constitution, which established in arithmetic proportion (3 and 2) the distribution of political offices between the two major parties.
In this way, became a reality that general proclamation of Nico Perez, March 30, 1903:
“It is only with the spear and the rifle with which one wins, no other weapon, the ballot of civil registration records, you should not miss any citizen nationalist, because it will be so in peace we will obtain the complete victory”